‘We risk tying ourselves in knots’: Invest NI emails cast doubt on claims of no arms links to Israel

An Israeli airstrike on Gaza. Photo by Jaber Jehad Badwan, used under Creative Commons license

An Israeli airstrike on Gaza. Photo by Jaber Jehad Badwan, used under Creative Commons license

New questions have emerged over the Economy Minister's claim that Invest NI has not funded firms making parts for F-35 combat jets used by Israel.

The Department said last year that Minister Conor Murphy had “been assured that Invest NI does not support projects that supply arms to Israel”—a claim later repeated by his successor, Caoimhe Archibald.

However, internal departmental correspondence reveals a caveat which was not shared with the press: Invest NI defined "arms" only as finished weapons or munitions.

This definition would exclude all the components that the UK contributes to each F-35, which include targeting lasers, ejector seats, rear fuselage, and interceptor systems, and which make up 15% of each jet.

The UK government is facing a High Court challenge over the export of F-35 components used by Israel, with the defence secretary admitting “a clear risk” they could aid war crimes.

Israel has used F-35 jets in its bombardment in Gaza, including dropping three 2,000 lb bombs on a “safe zone” in July 2024.

The Belfast Telegraph reported that Invest NI has given just under £20m to four companies with operations in Northern Ireland that manufacture components for the combat aircraft.

Emails

The emails obtained by The Detail reveals an internal departmental debate with officials providing Minister Murphy with information that was not to be discussed with journalists.

“To note, the basis of Invest NI's assurance is 'arms' being interpreted as a final product of 'weapons or munitions',” an official wrote.

“Invest NI has no control over the ultimate destination of component parts that can be sold by clients to their customer base and then sold to other customers further along the supply chain."

This “assurance is for our benefit, not for incision in the (press) response”, the email read.

One official questioned how the Department could deny Invest NI supports projects that supply arms to Israel, while at the same time saying “Invest NI does not hold the information as to whether these companies provide parts for F35s.”

“Do these two lines not contradict each other?”, they wrote.

Separately, a senior official questioned the framing of media queries:

"We run the risk of tying ourselves up in knots by qualifying the meanings of words in the response, which gives the impression of trying to evade the question.

“We seem to have accepted the assertion in [the journalist's] email that these companies are 'supplying weapons in an onslaught where many people believe war crimes are being committed on a daily basis'.”

The official said “a few minutes on the internet” showed what these companies manufactured in Northern Ireland, including fan blades and canopy jettison motors in civilian and military aircraft, or survival suits specifically designed to fit into the ejector seats used in F-35.

“You have to work incredibly hard to fit any of that into [the journalist's] characterisation of the companies,” they added.

Photos: US and Israel F-35 jets in a 2020 training exercise. Photo from Israel Defence Forces, used under Creative Commons license

Photos: US and Israel F-35 jets in a 2020 training exercise. Photo from Israel Defence Forces, used under Creative Commons license

Supply chain

Martin Butcher, Oxfam’s policy advisor on arms and conflict, said that the unique set up of the F-35 programme means it is "absolutely" the case that parts produced in the UK - including Northern Ireland - would end up in Israeli jets.

“The UK is the biggest non-American partner”, he said.

“The only people who make the ejector seats are in the UK. The parts that the UK makes are unique for the F-35. Similarly, any parts that (other F-35 partners) Germans or Italians make are unique for the F35.”

Therefore, Mr Butcher said, it is a certainty that components produced in the UK are going to Israel “either in new aircraft from the United States or as parts from a regional warehouse.”

This would be the same for parts of components made in Northern Ireland, “because those parts will go for assembly within BAE factories and then on to the global supply system.”

Mr Butcher also said that the F-35 is “an extremely maintenance-heavy aircraft” and Israel has been operating them at a far higher rate than normal, making them dependent on a constant supply of spare parts from the US and other countries, including the UK.

Review

Following a number of questions in the Assembly, Minister Archibald announced in March that Invest NI would “review the projects it has funded, to confirm that it has not supported projects involving the supply of arms to Israel.”

In May she said this would be completed within six months.

Roan Ellis-O'Neill from campaign group Act Now said there were now questions over the Minister’s previous statements.

“I don't think the Minister’s statements have substance,” he said.

“What you're telling me answers a part of the puzzle, ‘How could they just categorically come to that statement?’, he added. “Because they haven't given us evidence to say that. We are just supposed to take them on their word.”

Mr Ellis-O'Neill called for an independent investigation of Invest NI funding.

A legal challenge was launched in the High Court in Belfast over the Invest NI funding.

Madden & Finucane Solicitors is acting in the judicial review proceedings on behalf of an unnamed member of campaign group Cairde Palestine.

The Detail put a number of questions to the Department, including whether the Minister’s previous assurances had been misleading.

A spokeswoman for the Department said: “Invest NI does not support projects that provide arms to Israel. Since this matter is subject to a judicial review, it would be inappropriate to comment further at this stage.”

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